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Römme

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Römme

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Römme

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On 4 June the chief meteorologist of the 3 Air Fleet reported that weather in the channel was so poor there could be no landing attempted for two weeks.

On 5 June Rommel left France and on 6 June he was at home celebrating his wife's birthday. Meanwhile, earlier in the day, Rundstedt had requested the reserves be transferred to his command.

Later in the day, Rundstedt received authorisation to move additional units in preparation for a counterattack, which Rundstedt decided to launch on 7 June.

Upon arrival, Rommel concurred with the plan. By nightfall, Rundstedt, Rommel and Speidel continued to believe that the Normandy landing might have been a diversionary attack, as the Allied deception measures still pointed towards Calais.

The 7 June counterattack did not take place because Allied air bombardments prevented the 12th SS's timely arrival.

Facing relatively small-scale German counterattacks, the Allies secured five beachheads by nightfall of 6 June, landing , troops. Rommel believed that if his armies pulled out of range of Allied naval fire, it would give them a chance to regroup and re-engage them later with a better chance of success.

While he managed to convince Rundstedt, they still needed to win over Hitler. At a meeting with Hitler at his Wolfsschlucht II headquarters in Margival in northern France on 17 June, Rommel warned Hitler about the inevitable collapse in the German defences, but was rebuffed and told to focus on military operations.

By mid-July the German position was crumbling. On 17 July , as Rommel was returning from visiting the headquarters of the I SS Panzer Corps, a fighter plane piloted by either Charley Fox of Squadron , [] Jacques Remlinger of No.

Rommel was thrown from the car, suffering injuries to the left side of his face from glass shards and three fractures to his skull. The role that Rommel played in the military's resistance against Hitler or the 20 July plot is difficult to ascertain, as most of the leaders who were directly involved did not survive and limited documentation on the conspirators' plans and preparations exists.

According to Hartmann, by the end of May, in another meeting at Hartmann's quarters in Mareil—Marly, Rommel showed "decisive determination" and clear approval of the inner circle's plan.

According to a post-war account by Karl Strölin , three of Rommel's friends—the Oberbürgermeister of Stuttgart, Strölin who had served with Rommel in the First World War , Alexander von Falkenhausen and Stülpnagel—began efforts to bring Rommel into the anti-Hitler conspiracy in early According to Strölin, sometime in February, Rommel agreed to lend his support to the resistance.

The conspirators felt they needed the support of a field marshal on active duty. Erwin von Witzleben , who would have become commander-in-chief of the Wehrmacht had the plot succeeded, was a field marshal, but had been inactive since The conspirators gave instructions to Speidel to bring Rommel into their circle.

Speidel met with former foreign minister Konstantin von Neurath and Strölin on 27 May in Germany, ostensibly at Rommel's request, although the latter was not present.

Neurath and Strölin suggested opening immediate surrender negotiations in the West, and, according to Speidel, Rommel agreed to further discussions and preparations.

On 16 May, they informed Allen Dulles , through whom they hoped to negotiate with the Western Allies, that Rommel could not be counted on for support.

At least initially, Rommel opposed assassinating Hitler. After the war, his widow—among others—maintained that Rommel believed an assassination attempt would spark civil war in Germany and Austria, and Hitler would have become a martyr for a lasting cause.

The arrest plan would have been highly improbable, as Hitler's security was extremely tight. Rommel would have known this, having commanded Hitler's army protection detail in On 15 July, Rommel wrote a letter to Hitler giving him a "last chance" to end the hostilities with the Western Allies, urging Hitler to "draw the proper conclusions without delay".

What Rommel did not know was that the letter took two weeks to reach Hitler because of Kluge's precautions.

Hart, reliable details of the conversations are now lost, although they certainly met. On 17 July, Rommel was incapacitated by an Allied air attack, which many authors describe as a fateful event that drastically altered the outcome of the bomb plot.

After the failed bomb attack of 20 July, many conspirators were arrested and the dragnet expanded to thousands. Historian Peter Lieb considers the memorandum, as well as Eberbach's conversation and the testimonies of surviving resistant members including Hartmann to be the three key sources that indicate Rommel's support of the assassination plan.

He further notes that while Speidel had an interest in promoting his own post-war career, his testimonies should not be dismissed, considering his bravery as an early resistance figure.

He began to contemplate this plan some months after El Alamein and carried it out with a lonely decision and conviction, and in the end, had managed to bring military leaders in the West to his side.

Rommel's case was turned over to the "Court of Military Honour"—a drumhead court-martial convened to decide the fate of officers involved in the conspiracy.

The court included Generalfeldmarschall Wilhelm Keitel , Generalfeldmarschall Gerd von Rundstedt , Generaloberst Heinz Guderian , General der Infanterie Walther Schroth and Generalleutnant Karl-Wilhelm Specht , with General der Infanterie Karl Kriebel and Generalleutnant Heinrich Kirchheim whom Rommel had fired after Tobruk in [] as deputy members and Generalmajor Ernst Maisel as protocol officer.

The Court acquired information from Speidel, Hofacker and others that implicated Rommel, with Keitel and Ernst Kaltenbrunner assuming that he had taken part in the subversion.

Keitel and Guderian then made the decision that favoured Speidel's case and at the same time shifted the blame to Rommel.

However, Hitler knew that having Rommel branded and executed as a traitor would severely damage morale on the home front.

Two generals from Hitler's headquarters, Wilhelm Burgdorf and Ernst Maisel , visited Rommel at his home on 14 October Burgdorf informed him of the charges against him and offered him three options: a.

In the former case, his family would have suffered even before the all-but-certain conviction and execution, and his staff would have been arrested and executed as well.

In the latter case, the government would claim that he died a hero and bury him with full military honours, and his family would receive full pension payments.

In support of the suicide option, Burgdorf had brought a cyanide capsule. Rommel opted to commit suicide, and explained his decision to his wife and son.

After stopping, Doose and Maisel walked away from the car leaving Rommel with Burgdorf. Five minutes later Burgdorf gestured to the two men to return to the car, and Doose noticed that Rommel was slumped over, having taken the cyanide.

He died before being taken to the Wagner-Schule field hospital. Ten minutes later, the group telephoned Rommel's wife to inform her of his death.

The official notice of Rommel's death as reported to the public, stated that he had died of either a heart attack or a cerebral embolism —a complication of the skull fractures he had suffered in the earlier strafing of his staff car.

As promised, Rommel was given a state funeral but it was held in Ulm instead of Berlin as had been requested by Rommel. Rommel's grave is located in Herrlingen, a short distance west of Ulm.

For decades after the war on the anniversary of his death, veterans of the Africa campaign, including former opponents, would gather at his tomb in Herrlingen.

On the Italian front in the First World War, Rommel was a successful tactician in fast-developing mobile battle and this shaped his subsequent style as a military commander.

He found that taking initiative and not allowing the enemy forces to regroup led to victory. Some authors argues that his enemies were often less organised, second-rate, or depleted, and his tactics were less effective against adequately led, trained and supplied opponents and proved insufficient in the later years of the war.

Rommel is praised by numerous authors as a great leader of men. Taking his opponents by surprise and creating uncertainty in their minds were key elements in Rommel's approach to offensive warfare: he took advantage of sand storms and the dark of night to conceal the movement of his forces.

When the British mounted a commando raid deep behind German lines in an effort to kill Rommel and his staff on the eve of their Crusader offensive , Rommel was indignant that the British expected to find his headquarters miles behind his front.

Mellenthin lists Rommel's counterattack during Operation Crusader as one such instance. For his leadership during the French campaign Rommel received both praise and criticism.

Many, such as General Georg Stumme , who had previously commanded 7th Panzer Division, were impressed with the speed and success of Rommel's drive.

Some pointed out that Rommel's division took the highest casualties in the campaign. Rommel spoke German with a pronounced southern German or Swabian accent.

He was not a part of the Prussian aristocracy that dominated the German high command, and as such was looked upon somewhat suspiciously by the Wehrmacht 's traditional power structure.

Rommel was direct, unbending, tough in his manners, to superiors and subordinates alike, disobedient even to Hitler whenever he saw fit, although gentle and diplomatic to the lower ranks German and Italian alike and POWs.

Many of these traits seemed to manifest even at a very young age. Rommel's relationship with the Italian High Command in North Africa was generally poor.

Although he was nominally subordinate to the Italians, he enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy from them; since he was directing their troops in battle as well as his own, this was bound to cause hostility among Italian commanders.

Conversely, as the Italian command had control over the supplies of the forces in Africa, they resupplied Italian units preferentially, which was a source of resentment for Rommel and his staff.

While certainly much less proficient than Rommel in their leadership, aggressiveness, tactical outlook and mobile warfare skills, [] Italian commanders were competent in logistics, strategy and artillery doctrine: their troops were ill-equipped but well-trained.

As such, the Italian commanders were repeatedly at odds with Rommel over concerns with issues of supply. This effort resulted only in partial success, with Kesselring's own relationship with the Italians being unsteady and Kesselring claiming Rommel ignored him as readily as he ignored the Italians.

According to Scianna, opinion among the Italian military leaders was not unanimous. In general, Rommel was a target of criticism and a scapegoat for defeat rather than a glorified figure, with certain generals also trying to replace him as the heroic leader or hijack the Rommel myth for their own benefit.

Nevertheless, he never became a hated figure, although the "abandonment myth", despite being repudiated by officers of the X Corps themselves, was long-lived.

Many found Rommel's chaotic leadership and emotional character hard to work with, yet the Italians held him in higher regard than other German senior commanders, militarily and personally.

Very different, however, was the perception of Rommel by Italian common soldiers and NCOs, who, like the German field troops, had the deepest trust and respect for him.

Rommel himself held a much more generous view about the Italian soldier [] than about their leadership, towards whom his disdain, deeply rooted in militarism, was not atypical, although unlike Kesselring he was incapable of concealing it.

James J. Sadkovich states examples of Rommel for abandoning his Italian units, refusing cooperation, rarely acknowledging their achievements and other improper behaviour towards his Italian allies, Giuseppe Mancinell who was liaison between German and Italian command accused Rommel of blaming Italians for his own errors.

Sadkovich names Rommel as arrogantly ethnocentric and disdainful towards Italians [] However, others point out that the Italians under Rommel, in comparison with many of their compatriots in other areas, were better led, supplied, and trained, fighting well as a result, with a ratio of wounded and killed Italians similar to that of the Germans.

Many authors describe Rommel as having a reputation of being a chivalrous, humane, and professional officer, and that he earned the respect of both his own troops and his enemies.

Whoever fights against the German soldier has lost any right to be treated well and shall experience toughness reserved for the rabble which betrays friends.

Every member of the German troop has to adopt this stance. According to Maurice Remy, orders issued by Hitler during Rommel's stay in a hospital resulted in massacres in the course of Operation Achse , disarming the Italian forces after the armistice with the Allies in , but according to Remy Rommel treated his Italian opponents with his usual fairness, requiring that the prisoners should be accorded the same conditions as German civilians.

Remy opines that an order in which Rommel, in fact protesting against Hitler's directives, called for no "sentimental scruples" against "Badoglio-dependent bandits in uniforms of the once brothers-in-arms" should not be taken out of context.

In the Normandy campaign both Allied and German troops murdered prisoners of war on occasion during June and July It is likely that he had acted similarly in North Africa.

Telp states that Rommel was chivalrous by nature and not prone to order needless violence. Bruce Watson comments that whatever racism Rommel might have had at the beginning, it became washed away when fighting in the desert.

When he saw it that they were fighting well, he gave the 4th Division of the Indian Army high praise. Once he witnessed German soldiers with throats cut by a khukri knife.

Rommel saying that using the Indians was unfair also should be put in perspective, considering the disbandment of the battle-hardened 4th Division by the Allies.

The anti-tank teams and tank crews performed with courage and caused serious losses. Finding this strange coming from a man fighting for Hitler, they adopted this behaviour until they were back to the Union of South Africa, where they were separated again.

There are reports that Rommel acknowledged the Maori soldiers' fighting skills, yet at the same time he complained about their methods which were unfair from the European perspective.

Hew Strachan notes that lapses in practicing the warriors' code of war were usually attributed to ethnic groups outside of Europe with the implication that those from within knew better how to behave although Strachan opines that such attributions were perhaps true.

Historian Richard J. Evans has stated that German soldiers in Tunisia raped Jewish women, and the success of Rommel's forces in capturing or securing Allied, Italian and Vichy French territory in North Africa led to many Jews in these areas being killed by other German institutions as part of the Holocaust.

While committed by Italian forces, Patrick Bernhard writes "the Germans were aware of Italian reprisals behind the front lines. Yet, perhaps surprisingly, they seem to have exercised little control over events.

The German consul general in Tripoli consulted with Italian state and party officials about possible countermeasures against the natives, but this was the full extent of German involvement.

Rommel did not directly intervene, though he advised the Italian authorities to do whatever was necessary to eliminate the danger of riots and espionage; for the German general, the rear areas were to be kept "quiet" at all costs.

Thus, although he had no direct hand in the atrocities, Rommel made himself complicit in war crimes by failing to point out that international laws of war strictly prohibited certain forms of retaliation.

By giving carte blanche to the Italians, Rommel implicitly condoned, and perhaps even encouraged, their war crimes".

Kriegsverbrechen, koloniale Massengewalt und Judenverfolgung in Nordafrika , Bernhard writes that North African campaign was hardly "war without hate" as Rommel described it, and points out rapes of women, ill treatment and executions of captured POWs, as well as racially motivated murders of Arabs, Berbers and Jews, in addition to establishment of concentration camps.

Bernhard again cites discussion among the German and Italian authorities about Rommel's position regarding countermeasures against local resurrection according to them, Rommel wanted to eliminate the danger at all costs to show that Rommel fundamentally approved of Italian policy in the matter.

Bernhard opines that Rommel had informal power over the matter because his military success brought him influence on the Italian authorities.

The Museum states that this unit was to be tasked with murdering Jewish population of North Africa, Palestine, and it was to be attached directly to Rommel's Afrika Korps.

According to museum Rauff met with Rommel's staff in as part of preparations for this plan. The Museum states that Rommel was certainly aware that planning was taking place, even if his reaction to it isn't recorded, and while the main proposed Einsatzgruppen were never set in action, smaller units did murder Jews in North Africa.

On the other hand, Christopher Gabel remarks that Richards Evans seems to attempt to prove that Rommel was a war criminal by association but fails to produce evidence that he had actual or constructive knowledge about said crimes.

Shepherd comments that Rommel showed insight and restraint when dealing with the nomadic Arabs, the only civilians who occasionally intervened into the war and thus risked reprisals as a result.

Shepherd cites a request by Rommel to the Italian High Command, in which he complained about excesses against the Arabic population and noted that reprisals without identifying the real culprits were never expedient.

Aisa Bu Graiem, who worked as foreman and cook for the Luftwaffe recalls that when some Arabs complained, Rommel politely told them that his soldiers did not have enough to eat, but when the war ended they would be compensated.

Rommel's war is always part of Hitler's war of worldviews, whether Rommel wanted it or not. However, in view of the Axis' deteriorating situation in Africa it returned to Germany in September.

Shepherd , Rommel had already been retreating and there is no proof of his contact with the Einsatzkommando. Haaretz also remarks that Rommel's influence probably softened the Nazi authorities' attitude to the Jews and to the civilian population generally in North Africa.

Explanations include the absence of civilians and the relative absence of Nazis; the nature of the environment, which conveyed a "moral simplicity and transparency"; and the control of command on both sides by prewar professionals, producing a British tendency to depict war in the imagery of a game, and the corresponding German pattern of seeing it as a test of skill and a proof of virtue.

The nature of the fighting as well diminished the last-ditch, close-quarter actions that are primary nurturers of mutual bitterness.

A battalion overrun by tanks usually had its resistance broken so completely that nothing was to be gained by a broken-backed final stand.

Joachim Käppner writes that while the conflict in North Africa was not as bloody as in Eastern Europe,the Afrika Korps committed some war crimes.

Historian Martin Kitchen states that the reputation of the Afrika Korps was preserved by circumstances: The sparsely populated desert areas did not lend themselves to ethnic cleansing; the German forces never reached the large Jewish populations in Egypt and Palestine; and in the urban areas of Tunisia and Tripolitania the Italian government constrained the German efforts to discriminate against or eliminate Jews who were Italian citizens.

Remy writes that this number was unchanged following the German invasion of Tunisia in while Curtis notes that of these Jews would be sent to forced labour camps.

According to this study's files, his half-Jews were not as affected by the racial laws as most others serving on the European continent. Captain Horst van Oppenfeld a staff officer to Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg and a quarter-Jew says that Rommel did not concern himself with the racial decrees and he had never experienced any trouble caused by his ancestry during his time in the DAK even if Rommel never personally interfered on his behalf.

At his 17 June meeting with Hitler at Margival he protested against the massacre of the citizens of the French town of Oradour-sur-Glane , committed by the 2nd SS Panzer Division Das Reich , and asked to be allowed to punish the division.

Building the Atlantic Wall was officially the responsibility of the Organisation Todt , [] which was not under Rommel's command, but he enthusiastically joined the task, [] protesting slave labour and suggesting that they should recruit French civilians and pay them good wages.

Although they got basic wages, the workers complained because it was too little and there was no heavy equipment.

Rommel was himself an eccentric and horrible violinist. In France, Rommel ordered the execution of one French officer who refused three times to cooperate when being taken prisoner; there are disputes as to whether this execution was justified.

He treated prisoners of war with consideration. On one occasion, he was forced to order the shooting of a French lieutenant-colonel for refusing to obey his captors.

There are reports that during the fighting in France, Rommel's 7th Panzer Division committed atrocities against surrendering French troops and captured prisoners of war.

The atrocities, according to Martin S. Alexander, included the murder of 50 surrendering officers and men at Quesnoy and the nearby Airaines.

He was then executed by the 25th Infantry Regiment [] the 7th Panzer Division did not have a 25th Infantry Regiment [].

Journalist Alain Aka states simply that he was executed by one of Rommel's soldiers and his body was driven over by tank. Scheck says that the German units fighting there came from the 46th and 2nd Infantry Division, and possibly from the 6th and 27th Infantry Division as well.

Scheck also writes that there were no SS units in the area. Butler believes that "it's almost impossible to imagine" Rommel authorising or countenancing such actions.

He also writes that "Some accusers have twisted a remark in Rommel's own account of the action in the village of Le Quesnoy as proof that he at least tacitly condoned the executions—'any enemy troops were either wiped out or forced to withdraw'—but the words themselves as well as the context of the passage hardly support the contention.

Unlike other occasions in , when Germans and Africans met, there was no deliberate massacre of survivors.

Nevertheless, the riflemen took few prisoners, and the delay imposed by the tirailleurs forced the Panzers to advance unsupported until Rommel was ordered to halt for fear of coming under attack by Stukas.

Giordana Terracina writes that: "On April 3, the Italians recaptured Benghazi and a few months later the Afrika Korps led by Rommel was sent to Libya and began the deportation of the Jews of Cyrenaica in the concentration camp of Giado and other smaller towns in Tripolitania.

This measure was accompanied by shooting, also in Benghazi, of some Jews guilty of having welcomed the British troops, on their arrival, treating them as liberators.

Some of the Jewish prisoners were later transferred to Italy where they were used for exhausting forced labour on German fortifications, Giordana cites a testimony of one Jewish camp survivor, Sion Burbea, who states that he witnessed Rommel inspecting their work together with general Albert Kesselring [] According to the witness, the inspection happened on a certain day after 26 October when they were transferred to the line "Gustav".

Terracina says it must have happened before 20 November , when Rommel was recalled to Germany. According to Yad Vashem's International School for Holocaust Studies, the Jews were deported in and to concentration camps and forced labour camps by the Italian authorities.

However, Germany' s direct involvement in the colonial authorities' affairs and management did not completely materialize until Libyan Jews noted that in daily matters, the Germans largely acted out of pragmatic economic interest rather than adopting the political and ideological practices known elsewhere.

The situation only became radicalized for the Jews when Italy entered the war in Deportation to Giado, the worst experience that happened to Libyan Jews, was implemented by Italian authorities under the order of Mussolini when he deemed Libyan Jews as traitors in According to German historian Wolfgang Proske, Rommel forbade his soldiers to buy anything from the Jewish population of Tripoli, used Jewish slave labour and commanded Jews to clear out minefields by walking on them ahead of his forces.

According to the BBC, on 9 October , Italian racial laws were extended to Libya, and by the end of the war, hundreds of Jews used as slave labour would perish from ill treatment.

Historian Jens Hoppe notes that Libya was the colony of an Axis power and thus it was unlike Tunisia, which was directly under Nazi Germany's control.

The Germans then hold a meeting to decide the deployment of Jewish forced labour, with the significant authority being Rahn, Rauff and Nehring. Libyan Jews deported to Tunisia were under the control of the Sicherheitsdienst , led by Rauff, and the Wehrmacht's use of Jewish forced labour in Tunisia began under Nehring on 6 December According to Rahn, it was von Arnim who had led the Axis forces in North Africa since 8 December who assigned Jewish labour companies to individual units.

According to the publication Jewish Communities of the World edited by Anthony Lerman , in under the German occupation, the Benghazi quarter that housed Jewish population was plundered and Jews were deported across the desert, out of which circa a fifth have perished [] Malka Hillel Shulewitz in Forgotten Millions: The Modern Jewish Exodus from Arab writes that up to , the only anti-Jewish riots since centuries in Libya happened during German occupation and plunder in Banghazi [] The Illustrated Atlas of Jewish Civilization: 4, Years of Jewish History by Martin Gilbert state that that German occupation led to first anti-Jewish pogrom in and subsequent plunder of the Jewish district alongside of expulsion of Jews [] The Moment magazine in an article "Once upon a time in Libya" published in May stated that "on orders from the German military commander, the Axis forces, in , plundered Jewish shops and deported 2, Benghazi Jews to Giado".

In though, except for a few wealthy families, the Jews were sent by Italians to concentration camps in Giado, Gharian and Yefren, under the order of Mussolini.

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